A 'special relationship'?: Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson by Jonathan Colman

By Jonathan Colman

Drawing upon an intensive diversity of assets from either side of the Atlantic, this booklet presents the 1st full-length research of the arguable courting among Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson. whereas Wilson used to be a company supporter of the belief of a "special dating" among Britain and the us and desired to use his dealings with the White residence to reinforce his credentials as an international statesman, Johnson held the British chief in low esteem and disdained the belief of a "special" Anglo-American courting. problems stemming from the Vietnam warfare, British monetary weak spot and the UK's abrogation of its international energy prestige exacerbated the tension among Wilson and Johnson, resulting in what used to be essentially the most afflicted of all of the relationships among British best ministers and American presidents.

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A 'special relationship'?: Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations 'at the summit', 1964-68

Drawing upon an intensive diversity of assets from either side of the Atlantic, this publication presents the 1st full-length research of the debatable dating among Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson. whereas Wilson was once an organization supporter of the belief of a "special dating" among Britain and the us and desired to use his dealings with the White residence to bolster his credentials as a global statesman, Johnson held the British chief in low esteem and disdained the belief of a "special" Anglo-American dating.

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Additional info for A 'special relationship'?: Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations 'at the summit', 1964-68

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The President had ‘many other problems on his mind, for example Southeast Asia and a number of personnel matters. p65 31 08/06/2004, 14:39 32 A ‘special relationship’? that the Prime Minister had received a strong impression from his personal meeting with the President which he had when he was leader of the Opposition; and that he had been moved by the warmth of the message which was sent to him when he took up office. 72 No one in Washington was ‘quite sure what kind of treatment the President would offer’.

78 But the salaciousness of the CIA report could only have exacerbated Johnson’s reservations towards Wilson. An aide in the administration, Douglas Cater, was concerned that Johnson should assert himself vigorously over the MLF, otherwise Wilson would exploit the opportunity to claim himself as a victor in the talks. Cater recognised that Wilson was keen to present himself as a statesman as well as a politician, and used as a parallel the alleged opportunism of Harold Macmillan, who: tried to create an image of himself as mediator and world statesman.

253–4. See also Ben Pimlott, Harold Wilson (London: Harper Collins, 1992), p. 412. 42 LBJL, NSF: Name File, Box 7, Neustadt Memos, ‘Round-up on Trip to England’, 9 August 1965. 43 LBJL, NSF: Country File, Box 216, UK: Visit of Wilson 6/2/67 (2/2), Bator to Johnson, 1 June 1967. 14 am, 24 November 1964. 45 Harold Wilson, The Labour Government, 1964–1970: A Personal Record (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971), p. 40. 46 VHS, Diary of David K. E. Bruce, MSS 5:1B8303:50, Embassy to State, 19 October 1964.

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